Subject:
Fueling the Bonfire.
Date: March
3, 1995 04:08
13:37 Kingscliff, New South Wales-Australia :: 27 FEB
95
Jim Cash
was good enough to recently forward to me this little tidbit, probably
an 'urban legend':
> An English professor wrote the words
> "woman without her man is a savage" on
> the blackboard and directed his students to
> punctuate it correctly.
>
> The men wrote: "Woman, without her man, is a savage."
>
> The women wrote: "Woman: Without her, man is a savage."
Personally, I think both sentences are correct.
It's interesting how, when I'll be concentrating on understanding
a topic, relevant information seems to seek me out. I've been reading
Naomi Wolf's best-seller "Fire With Fire".
Among the first pieces of eMail I received after replacing my computer
was Jim Boritz's brief introduction to the feminist author bell hooks'
work "Outlaw Culture: Resisting Representations". His eMail
related a few of the issues hooks identifies in
the initial chapter, "Power to the Pussy: We don't want to be dicks
in drag." That proved to be the beginning of a rather fascinating,
lengthy and ongoing discussion. Just like the 'men we are', we've taken
the adversarial position of 'defending' our authors. I side with Wolf,
but not simply because she uses my favoured British spellings, as below.
This is a typical scene on college campuses: several
white women sit in a circle on the floor, feeling miserable because they
are all white. 'We want to be diverse in our group, but the women of colour
refuse to join us.' Several women of colour sit in another building, feeling
irritated: 'They want us to come and integrate with them; they want us
to teach them. But we're tired of having to explain ourselves all the
time. We need a place of our own.' The assumption is
that everyone must join in a big circle and 'have it out', 'talk things
through', and 'clear things up' before the groups can join together for
specific actions. To anti-racist white women, the impasse
is a devastating rejection, like a lover's. 'Aren't we listening?' they
ask. 'Aren't we trying to address the issues?' To Black women that very
articulation of the problem is often annoying, for it sounds as if white
women believe that their good intentions will make racism disappear overnight,
at which point everything will be fine. White women's wish for intimacy
and love from Black women often carries the implicit hope that they will
be magically absolved; the 'egalitarian' assumptions of feminine intimacy
seem to whitewash the inequities of race.
|
|
Fire With Fire
p. 309 |
It is the final paragraph that struck me most strongly in this
passage. It relates to an issue Jim brought up in his initial email. To make it fit that issue better, I
altered some words to change the points of view and came up with the following:
To anti-sexist men, the impasse is a devastating rejection,
like a lover's. 'Aren't we listening?' they ask. 'Aren't we trying to
address the issues?' To women that very articulation of the problem is
often annoying, for it sounds as if men believe that their good intentions
will make sexism disappear overnight, at which point everything will be
fine. Men's wish for respect and camaraderie from women often carries
the implicit hope that they will be magically absolved; the 'egalitarian'
assumptions of common cause seem to whitewash the inequities of gender.
After marking up the paragraph with my changes, I was quite surprised
to read the first sentence of the next paragraph:
If we learned to substitute respect for intimacy and teamwork
for sisterhood, these tensions would not paralyze women's organizational
efforts to such an extent.
|
|
Fire With Fire
p. 309 |
Respect for intimacy; teamwork (what I mean by camaraderie) for
sisterhood (love): learning these substitutions would go a long way towards
minimizing the tensions between men and women in the 'gender war'.
The topic of possibly the most heated discussion with Jim represents the "impasse" implied in my paraphrase. This topic
is the annual exclusion of male participation in the Take Back the Night
march. More than a simple case of reverse sexism, this is a condition
of drawing battle-lines between two sides in a war.
When women's groups tell men that men's groups cannot exclude
women while some of these women's groups exclude men they deliver a mixed
message. Already it has been made clear that men are the enemy. It is
men that are waging the War Against Women. It is 'male ways of thinking
and relating' that are responsible for all the oppression against women.
It is the exclusion of women from male bastions of power that leave women
in a powerless position. No male escapes the taint of this brush, at least
it's difficult for any male to feel they are individually excluded from
the image of being a male oppressor. Many men are trying to lift themselves
out of that image, to not be "one of them" but by being excluded
from the fight against male violence men feel the brush strokes
spreading on another label of "oppressor".
It is an emotional response, not much different from the one
women feel when they are excluded from opportunity or choice. But it packs
a different punch. Men ask: 'Aren't we trying?' 'Aren't we listening?'
'Didn't we let you into our groups?' 'What must I do to clear myself of
this label?' And they say, "I'm not like that!" And true enough,
most men aren't. Most men aren't violent toward women.
I think it's OK that women should form groups containing no men,
just as men should be able to create groups without women, Jews without
gentiles or people with big noses without button-nosed people. The current
political climate does not allow this. Until the women's movement conclusively
lifts the effective total ban on men kibitzing together, men will continue
to respond negatively, emotionally, to being excluded from women's groups.
People should be able to choose whom they associate with. What we need
now is a language that allows recognition of differentiation in sub-communities
without perceived threat to those excluded.
On the other hand, heterosexuals are not excluded from participating
in the Gay Pride parade.
0:38 Brisbane, Queensland-Australia :: 2 MAR 95
At the outset of this piece I remarked how information relevant
to your current condition has a way of finding your attention. It's probably
some spin-off of Jung's 'synchronicity', the idea that seemingly coincidental
events have meaning to the observer or subject.
17:13 Malaysia Air flight 126, Brisbane->Kuala Lumpur :: 2
MAR 95
What I began to say yesterday was that I've discovered Michel
Foucault, or more precisely I found the book "A Foucault Primer:
Discourse, power and the subject" [Alec McHoul, Wendy Grace; Melbourne
University Press, 1993]. The name, Foucault,
I've encountered as belonging to an esteemed modern philosopher but it
was the second part of the title that caught my attention, having just
finished Naomi Wolf's treatise on 'power feminism'.
However, it was the following little tidbit I found inside the book that
prompted me to cough up the $20.
Another aspect of Foucault's critical
method is that it locates power outside conscious or intentional decision.
He does not ask: who is in power? He asks how power installs itself
and produces real material effects; where one such effect might be a
particular kind of subject who will in turn act as a channel for the
flow of power itself.
|
|
A Foucault Primer: Discourse, power and the
subject |
For some time I've been looking at feminism with the understanding
that what many have called "The War Against Women", that is,
the Gender War, would be more profitably viewed as a conflict between
one a 'traditional' culture and an 'emerging' one, that is, as a conflict
between ideas rather than people. This view could hopefully reduce the
antagonism between gender groups and individuals (subjects) by removing
the stigma of assigning the roles of oppressor and oppressed. It highlights
the differences in the two systems of ideas rather than any assignment
of blame by followers of one system to whomever they perceive to profit
most within the other system. From what I've read so far, Foucault
provides the intellectual ammunition to pursue this perception further.
Foucault's counter-history of ideas
[avoids] giving primacy to the ideas of 'the individual' and of 'subjectivity'.
Instead, Foucault thought of the human subject
itself as an effect of, to some extent, subjection. 'Subjection' refers
to particular, historically located, disciplinary processes and concepts
which enable us to consider ourselves as individual subjects and which
constrain us from thinking otherwise. These processes and concepts (or
'techniques') are what allow the subject to 'tell the truth about itself'.
Therefore they come before any views we might have about 'what we are'.
In a phrase: changes of public ideas precede changes in private individuals,
not vice-versa.
|
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A Foucault Primer: Discourse, power and the
subject |
That is, the spectrum of individuality at any given historical
moment is confined largely within 'official knowledge' of that moment.
This parallels Noam Chomsky's complaint that
the power elite in America, (whom he defines as composed of business,
media and government) confines the spectrum of permissible thought to
lie neatly within the policies of the Democratic and Republican parties.
In this way, the elite are able to 'manufacture' the consent of the population
by controlling what becomes official knowledge. But who, exactly, are
the elite? Is it seven 'old fat bald men' sitting around a table carving
truth into stone tablets?
There are no such 'Masters of the Universe'. Foucault would say that the master is 'discourse' itself. ". . . the
term 'discourse' refers not to language or social interaction but to relatively
well-bounded areas of social knowledge."
. . . in any given historical period we can write, speak
or think about a given social object or practice ([feminism], for example)
only in certain specific ways and not others. 'A discourse' would then
be whatever constrains-but also enables-writing, speaking and thinking
within such specific historical limits.
Foucault began to consider
questions of transgression and resistance in the face of the 'technologies'
of punishment and sexual classification.
. . . this critical phase . . . involves an attention to subjugated
or 'marginal' knowledges, especially those which have been disqualified,
taken less than seriously or deemed inadequate by official histories
. . . might be called 'naive' knowledges, because they 'are located
low down' on most official hierarchies of ideas. Certainly they are
ranked 'beneath' science. They are the discourses of the madman, the
patient, the delinquent, the pervert and other persons who, in their
respective times, held knowledges about themselves which diverged from
the established categories. . . The knowledges (or forms of discourse)
of these 'unruly' subjects might be particular, local and regional or
they might have wider, even international, currency. In at least two
of his case studies, Foucault makes it clear
that simply to 'repeat' these unruly positions, without commentary,
may be a critical activity in itself, an act of resistance to the usual
treatment of them by the various sciences.
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A Foucault Primer: Discourse, power and the
subject |
On the other hand,
official knowledges . . . work as instruments of 'normalisation',
continually attempting to manoeuvre populations into 'correct' and 'functional'
forms of thinking and acting. Therefore Foucault
also has an interest in examining the methods, practices and techniques
by which official discourses go about this process of normalisation and,
in the process, occlude forms of knowledge which are different from them,
by dividing the normal person from the pathological specimen, the good
citizen from the delinquent, and so on.
|
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A Foucault Primer: Discourse, power and the
subject |
Foucault himself observes examples
of this in contemporary popular opinion as follows:
We are certainly more tolerant in regard to practices
that break the law. But we continue to think that some of these are insulting
to 'the truth': we may be prepared to admit that a 'passive' man, 'virile'
woman, people of the same sex who love one another, do not seriously impair
the established order; but we are ready enough to believe that there is
something like an 'error' involved in what they do. An 'error' is understood
in the most traditionally philosophical sense: a manner of acting that
is not adequate to reality.
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A Foucault Primer: Discourse, power and the
subject |
Chomsky has written voluminously on
the responsibility of intellectuals to beware elitist forces, to dig for
the truth and share it with a public that is wiser than its Masters suppose.
At first blush, Foucault sees this differently
but one can see the methods of Chomsky.
Foucault then, is more than
dubious about notions of absolute truth, or indeed of definitive philosophical
answers to political questions. And he is far from believing that it is
the task of intellectuals to provide such things. But this does not mean
that 'there is no truth'. On the contrary, there can sometimes be many,
each with its own rationality [, its own discourse].
But the question is: which of these, at any given period,
comes to predominate and how? So instead of mobilising philosophy as the
search for truth as such, Foucault tries to
take this continual desire for a single truth . . . as a topic
of critical analysis and description. Then . . . it is up to political
activists to use these critical descriptions in their own ways and for
their own purposes. This may seem a dereliction of political duty. But
it has at least one virtue: it does not try to speak for others or to
tell them what to do. . .
It is therefore possible to contribute to political action
not only by entering the fray but also by providing studies of official
techniques of regulation, punishment, normalisation and so on to those
groups that have a direct interest in their subversion.
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A Foucault Primer: Discourse, power and the
subject |
That last sentence fits Chomsky to
a 'T'—and, to turn the topic back to its origin, Wolf
too. The single most important chapter written in contemporary feminism
may well be "Toward a New Psychology of Power." [Or something
like that. The book's been shipped home so I can't refer to it.] With
this chapter Wolf, perhaps unwittingly, reveals
the traditional power shy nature of female discourse and establishes the
role it plays in abetting the 'normalisation' of the traditional power
happy patriarchy. This is the path Foucault
recommends:
. . .rather than ask ourselves how the sovereign appears to
us in his lofty isolation, we should try to discover how it is that
subjects are gradually, progressively, really and materially constituted
through a multiplicity of organisms, forces, energies, materials desires,
thoughts, etc. We should try to grasp subjection into its material instance
as a constitution.
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A Foucault Primer: Discourse, power and the
subject |
The authors elucidate:
Power is not to be read, therefore, in terms of one individual's
domination over another or others; or even as that of one class over
another or others; for the subject which power has constituted becomes
a part of the mechanisms of power. It becomes the vehicle of that power
which, in turn, has constituted it as that type of vehicle. Power
is both reflexive, then, and impersonal. It acts in a relatively autonomous
way and produces subjects just as much as, or even more than, subjects
reproduce it. The point is not to ignore the subject or to deny its
existence but rather to examine subjection, the processes of
the construction of subjects in and as a collection of techniques or
flows of power which run through the whole of a particular social body.
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A Foucault Primer: Discourse, power and the
subject |
As I continue this analysis it's important to note that Wolf
herself does not employ Foucault's language.
While her selected bibliography lists one of Foucault's
pivotal works, she does not cite him within the work itself. Wolf's
insight is to recognize implicitly that men's position in society vis-a-vis
women is 'won' not simply by practices subjugating women subjects predominantly
through methods of 'male' discourse, but to realize also that it is the
tools, techniques and 'male' psychology itself requisite in that discourse
which constitutes the male as powerful. Put another way, men are powerful
in large part because they were brought up to be that way. Women are powerless,
again in large part, because their discourse excludes those same techniques
as 'unfeminine'.
01:06 Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia :: 3 MAR 95
Perhaps I'll complete these thoughts later, after some sleep.
. .
BTW: I can already tell eMail's about to become an expensive
and difficult project. For one, no access #'s in Malaysia; I have to call
Singapore. After a brief midnight walk about town looking for a place
to stay the night I'm kinda wondering what level of telecom technology
I'm going to find.
Patrick. -- Responses Sought --
What has made women unhappy in the last decade is not
their equality but the rising pressure to halt, and even reverse, women's
quest for that equality.
. . .the government of the self allies itself with practices
for the government of others.